August 15, 2008

Censorship Foreigners Don't See - Stuff that didn't fit in my Op-Ed

China's system of filtering websites by blocking web addresses and keywords of overseas websites has come to be known as the "Great Firewall."  (No that is not it's official name - I believe the term was first coined by some frustrated bloggers.) But the GFW, for short, is only a small part of Chinese Internet censorship.

Repeat after me: "The Great Firewall is only one small part of Chinese Internet censorship."

My Op-ed in today's Asian Wall Street Journal, The Chinese Censorship Foreigners Don't See, is an effort to get people to get beyond what Internet scholar Lokman Tsui describes as a Western fixation on "Iron Curtain 2.0" which blinds most Western observers to the realities of the Chinese Internet - and to China more generally, for that matter. 

Back in June I wrote a post explaining how we need to get beyond the "wall" metaphor in order to understand Chinese Internet censorship properly. People at this year's Chinese Internet Research Conference suggested "Net Nanny" or even "Hydroelectric Management" are better metaphors for how speech is controlled on the Chinese Internet. But they're just not as sexy-sounding somehow, and lack the same nifty Soviet-era-with-Chinese-flavor overtones.

While I'm at it, another pet peeve. Repeat after me: "The Great Firewall does not equal the Golden Shield Project. The Great Firewall is only a subset of the Golden Shield."

The filtering system we call the Great Firewall is only a very small part of the official Golden Shield Project (pdf), the official goverment name for a a national initiative spanning digital surveillance, better communications and data sharing among law enforcement and security agencies, data mining, general use of ICT to improve Chinese law enforcement and national security - as broadly defined by all the relevant departments, ministries, etc. Censorship is one small part of the digital efforts to protect "national security" from the perspective of those in charge.

But that's for another long rant some other time, I digress. Since my WSJ op-ed was limited to 600 words and could not contain my usual blog links, screenshots, quotations, and so forth, I thought I'd share a few more details here that relate to the examples of censorship I gave in the article.

In the piece I described the results of some tests I conducted this week as part of my research project looking at how Chinese blog-hosting companies censor their users' content.

Over the past week I've been posting a variety of Olympics-related content onto accounts set up on 16 different Chinese blog-hosting platforms to see what content gets censored, by which platforms, and how. A small band of badly-paid masochists and I have been doing these kinds of tests on and off since the beginning of the year - once we've got enough results to draw conclusions, I'll do some follow-on research then write up my findings for an academic paper. So far, I'm finding censorship on blog-hosting services to be common and wide-ranging and there is huge variation on who censors what. Many services over-compensate to stay out of trouble, which combined with inexact automated censorship systems, results in frequent censorship of things you can find on Xinhua.

In the article, I cite two tests, one on Sina and another on the Baidu blogging system. Here's the text I posted, taken from the BBC Chinese website (which is not currently blocked by the Great Firewall at least in some parts of China) about the knife attack against two Americans and their Chinese guide in Beijing over the weekend, and which was almost entirely based on Chinese state media reports:

鼓楼杀美游客事件“属个人行为”
据中国媒体报道,中国浙江警方经调查后认定,8月9日在北京鼓楼持刀杀害美国游客并跳楼自杀的凶手唐永明因对生活失去信心而迁怒社会,属个人极端行为。警 方说,唐永明没有犯罪前科,出事前也未发现有任何异常。47岁的唐永明经历过两次婚姻和几次恋爱失败,之后变得性格孤僻,脾气暴躁。警方说,唐永明原为杭 州某企业职工,后买断工龄辞职,并两次拒绝政府所安排的就业机会。据中国媒体报道,唐永明溺爱他21岁的儿子,对其寄予厚望,甚至卖掉自己的房产,将房款 20余万全部交给儿子。

You'd think that something like this wouldn't be censored given that the GFW isn't blocking it, and it's not saying anything beyond what you can find around the Chinese web from news websites. But you'd be wrong.

Sina and Baidu were playing their censorship system so conservative that Sina took down my post after a few hours and Baidu wouldn't even let me publish it. Here's the error message at the url where my Sina post had briefly resided (click image for full error message page):


It says "Sorry, the blog address you visited doesn't exist."

And here's what happened on Baidu, when I pressed "publish:"



It says: "Sorry, your article failed to be published. The article contains inappropriate content, please check."



Yahoo! China censored it too (click image to see original error page):


Lots of apologies and links to various help pages, but no hint that the reason why you're landing on this error page might be because the post was censored.


Even more amusing, this Xinhuanet article, about President Hu Jintao's pre-Olympics pep talk telling everybody to "put on a good Olympics" was censored by iFeng (the blog platform of Phoenix TV), and Mop (a property of Oak Pacific, recipient of much U.S. venture capital). Mop gave me this error message:

"Apologies, your article has been put into the blog recycling station, please correct it then publish again."

I find it pretty common for blog-hosting platforms to censor Communist Party propaganda material about Chinese leaders. Do the regulators instructing them assume that all mentions of China's leaders are likely to be negative or sarcastic?

Then, many are. Take the political joke censored by China mobile, which I also mentioned in my article. Here's blogger "deerfang"'s description of what happened:

Last night, my friend were telling me some political jokes that were circulating through cell text messaging. The joke involves current Chinese president and Mao. He showed me story on his phone and tried to forward it to my phone. Strange thing happened. My phone received the message but in blank saying “Missing Text”. We realize these kind of text messages might be censored now in China because of certain keywords. The one my firend received were back in May. We tried to send the joke a few more times and also tried someone else’ phone, but never succeeded.

Here is the original joke (third paragraph down), which, in addition to doing the rounds on mobile SMS has also done the rounds on the web - censorship is patchy enough that if you're taken down in one place you can usually find a home for the material somewhere else - though it may be in a corner of the web where fewer people surf. The joke doesn't translate very well, but the gist of it is that President Hu Jintao, at his wits' end about what to do with all the crises happening around the nation, goes to see Mao - lying preserved under glass in his mausoleum - and asks for advice. Mao offers to trade places with Hu and to go out and kick some foreign behind, frighten all the foreigners and put them in their place by making them take a ridiculous series of Chinese tests. Or something like that. It's (slightly) better in Chinese...

The point is, nothing revolutionary or particularly brilliant in there. I've heard much crazier and nastier political jokes - like the one about Li Peng switching private parts with Deng Xiaoping at Deng's wake, or the one about Deng and Thatcher doing the nasty.

The joke was censored on China Mobile most likely because it mentions Hu Jintao, which they have probably entered as a keyword for blocking.

That implies an assumption by China Mobile that any Chinese person who mentions their president on mobile SMS is more likely than not to have bad things to say...

July 30, 2008

Silicon Valley's benevolent dictatorship

This is the opposite of a live blog post, despite the fact that I was listed as a live-blogger at last week's Fortune Brainstorm Tech conference in Half Moon Bay (near San Francisco). I am now at the iSummit in Sapporo, which I will write about soon.  For some more timely reporting about what got said in Half Moon Bay last week, try here, here, here, here, and here.

Anyway. Since I don't live in Silicon Valley and don't visit it very often, attending the Fortune Brainstorm was a useful reminder of How "The Valley" views "The Rest of the World." It was pretty clear that the CEO's, tech entrepreneurs, and venture capitalists whose lives and businesses revolve around Silicon Valley really do view the world in two parts: The Valley and Everybody Else - with the latter in concentric layers of tech-unsavvyness, remoteness, non-English-speaking-ness and primitiveness. There was even a session titled "What the Rest of the World Wants." As if you can generalize about "The Rest of the World" beyond the implied Valley+the U.S.+some more advanced parts of Europe, vaguely defined.  (Wish I was talented enough to draw one of those New Yorker-style cartoon maps...maybe Gapingvoid can help us out here?)

As author Rebecca Fannin pointed out on the Huffington Post, even China was barely mentioned: "Why was China ignored in the panel discussions? First, it's far away. Second, and more importantly, Silicon Valley is in a state of denial."  She thinks that the Silicon Valley patrons of the Fortune Brainstorm are failing to take China seriously, and that this denial will cause them to be "blindsided" by a "truly disruptive force."

Denial? Probably. Hubris? Definitely.

I was struck by the assumption permeating many discussions at Half Moon Bay: that communications technology (mainly, the internet and mobile devices) combined with capitalism will inevitably make everybody in the world more free. Just by virtue of being deployed as broadly as possible. Thus, as these people continue to make millions, they are also saving the world. Which makes them all feel terribly good about themselves.

Don't get me wrong, there were plenty of people at the conference with strong and admirable sense of social responsibility. A new and very worthy Prize for Technology and Development was announced for entrepreneurs whose businesses do good things for poor and/or un-free people in The Rest of The World. I attended a very stimulating session on governance run by Daniel Kauffman of the World Bank and Ross Mayfield of Social Text - both great guys doing excellent work and thinking. In that session, while much general enthusiasm was expressed about the ability of mobile phones and twitter to make people more free and politics more transparent,  we also managed to have a brief discussion about technology and corporate social responsibility, and the issues of corporate involvement with government control and manipulation of populations.

But in several sessions, when I raised my hand to push back on blanket statements made by many people about technology and capitalism being inevitable forces of good, and to insist that whether technology or capitalism make people more or less free depends on specifically how they are deployed, by and with whom, and how transparently and openly that deployment happens, my comments were met by many attendees with rolled eyes and looks of annoyance.

It was thus a relief when Joi Ito and Larry Lessig had a chance to poke holes in the thick layer of self-congratulation. Lessig predicted that the U.S. government will eventually find an excuse (perhaps after some kind of "i-9/11" attack) to clamp down on Internet freedoms in the United States - with the implication that law-abiding U.S. Internet and telecoms companies will have little choice but to go along with it (nor can we be very optimistic that Congress will let us sue these companies for helping the executive branch infringe on our constitutional rights). Joi warned that not all kinds of capitalism lead to greater freedom or spread wealth and opportunities to everybody. "The capitalists aren't really that helpful, generally," he said. It depends on the business model deployed which really depends on the social intentions of the people running the business, and how much they care about long-term social and political repercussions. "We're forgetting that we had to fight to create an open Internet." Venture capitalists, he said, "assume that the Internet just works... that's very irresponsible," and they're not thinking about how specific business decisions impact overall levels of freedom, openness, and inclusion. "We have to do more than just run around chasing deals." (Watch a video of Joi's remarks shot by Tom Foremski at the bottom of this post.)

Which brings me to another conference held in London earlier this month which I didn't attend, OpenTech, and the keynote given by the EFF's Danny O'Brien, along with his companion series of blog posts. The talk is titled Living on the Edge. Here is the blurb summary he posted for it:

Living on the Edge (of the Network) When you want to make a private picture or note available only to your friends, why do you hand it over to a multi-national corporation first? What use is a mobile phone running Apache? Does IPv6 really exist? Can we be ecologically-sound and still run our terabyte home servers? Please? These, and other whining rhetorical questions answered by Danny O'Brien, ORG founder and EFF activist.

His point is that we have come to depend way too heavily on a small number of Internet and telecoms companies to conduct the most private and intimate details of our professional and personal lives. As long as those companies have values aligned with our own and are run by people we think have integrity, we don't see a huge problem. But what if the values cease to be aligned or political circumstances change? See the video embedded at the bottom of this post. Also see the PDF and Open Office presentation file.  In one of his companion blog posts he writes:

If we want people to have the same degree of user autonomy as we've come to expect from the world, we may have to sit down and code alternatives to Google Docs, Twitter, and EC3 that can live with us on the edge, not be run by third parties.

..and in another titled "Independence day" he continues:

There's also a pressing civil liberty reason to start leaning back towards holding your data close to your chest. Data held by a third-party in the United States just isn't safe. Terms and conditions deny you any recourse for leaked or lost data; courts and Congress both deny citizens the protections of the Fourth Amendment for *any* data that you share with others. That even means data you expect to keep private, or have no way of keeping to yourself (the key case here is United States v. Miller, where the court decided that you have no expectation of privacy in your bank records, because you *shared them with your bank*!) So here's the question: how much of our life that we share with the Web 2.0 giants do we really *need* to share? How much of these services can and should we be running from the comfort of our own homes?

...and finally:

It’s like if I was to concede that a benevolent dictatorship is a far more effective model for a political system than a liberal democracy. The problems you hit in that context is when the dictatorship slides from benevolence (or effectiveness), or you need a new dictator in a hurry. I love having Steve Jobs at Apple: I just can’t quite believe the odds that the next Steve Jobs will be at Apple too, and the one after that. I want to move my data seamlessly where the best ideas and implementation move.

The guys running Google, Apple, Microsoft, and many other companies represented at the Fortune Brainstorm are the benevolent dictators of the global information and communications system. But can we assume they will always be benevolent? What happens when they roll out services in not-so-benevolent authoritarian regimes? We need to push our service providers to be honest, transparent and not screw us over, which is why I've been involved for the past two years in developing a corporate code of conduct for free speech and privacy (which is likely to go public sometime this Fall). But that's not enough. Power over our communications and identities is much too concentrated in the hands of people who are more accountable to v.c.'s and shareholders wanting profits than to users who want their rights and interests protected. We need to have more choices - which should include plenty of non-proprietary, grassroots, open alternatives. At the iSummit here in Sapporo, many conversations are taking place about how to build a global community devoted to incubating, nurturing and supporting services, tools, and platforms - things that will help ensure that the global information and communications environment really does continue to evolve in a freer, more democratic direction.

Videos:

July 15, 2008

Weng'an riots, push-up protests, fifty-cent party, astroturf...head spinning yet?

The most common method used by academics to map or track what bloggers are talking about in various countries is by counting the use of various keywords and putting them into categories, then figuring out how the various conversations - tagged by subject matter - seem to cluster.  The Chinese Internet presents a special problem for this kind of research, because in order to avoid censorship, people frequently talk about one thing when all their peers know they're talking about something completely different. 

Pushup GwTake, for example, Chinese bloggers' recent obsession with pushups: People created a  website and a forum dedicated to pushups; somebody photoshopped a naked man doing pushups at various famous Chinese tourist sites; people created all kinds of flash mashups celebrating pushups... huh? 

What these people are actually doing is expressing their frustration about the fact that many BBS forum conversations and blog posts talking about the recent Weng'an riots were censored. For very detailed coverage and translations of a variety of media reports, see Roland Soong's blog. In a nutshell, a young girl turned up drowned in the river in Weng'an county, Guizhou province. Family members suspected foul play and word quickly spread that the girl, Li Shufen, had been raped and murdered by boys who were probably related to people in the Public Security Bureau - resulting in protests by 30,000 people and the burning of the local police station. Three autopies were performed on the girl in which the coroner declared no foul play, but locals didn't believe it. It remains unclear what really happened, but at any rate four local officials have been sacked for "severe malfeasance." Li Shufen's godfather was also arrested for inciting riots and spreading rumors on the Internet. So where do the push-ups come in? There were three young people with Li Shufen when she died, and according to the police interrogation report they say that she committed suicide suddenly while one of the boys was doing push-ups on the bridge.

ShupaiIn the wake of the riots, Internet chatrooms and forums have been heavily censoring discussions about Wengan. Some bloggers came up with a clever online tool to convert text from left-to right sideways (as modern Chinese is written) into right-to-left vertical (as classical Chinese was written) - in an effort to get around keyword censors. But it was still difficult to hold in-depth exchanges discussing all the ins and outs of Li Shufen's death and reasons for the Weng'an unrest. So people just gave up and started joking about pushups instead...calling on their friends to write about pushups as a kind of protest.

A number of people have written very insightfully on this incident, including Roland and Jonathan Ansfeld. The Wall Street Journal declared the sacking of four officials and calls for more media transparency a victory for China's bloggers. However, from what I can tell it seems like Chinese journalists may be the bigger winners from this whole incident.

I'm in the middle of conducting a fairly extensive research project on how Chinese blog hosting services censor their users. My team and I are posting a variety of content on 16 different blog services and documenting what gets censored, by whom, and how. I'll be writing up the overall findings for an academic paper later on. But meanwhile as I come up with interesting findings I'm sharing them along the way and am interested in people's feedback. Over the past week I posted two items about the Weng'an riots on 16 different Chinese blogging systems, plus one item about how the term "push-up" has become a censored word. Both of the Weng'an articles were censored by the same six blog hosts included in the tests: Baidu, iFeng (run by Phoenix TV), Netease, Tianya, Yahoo China, and MySpace. The latter two are American Internet brands. Tianya receives investment from Google. So far, none of the other ten services have taken down the Weng'an related posts I published - I'm not going to name those ten here because I'm concerned that the 6 might use this information to get the 10 in trouble with authorities, as is known to happen.

Wengan2 TianyaerrorFour blogging services also censored the "push-up" post: iFeng, Netease, Tianya, and MySpace. On the right is what happens if you try to write about Weng'an on Tianya (click to enlarge).

Wengan2 Netease3-1On Netease, you can save the post privately, but when anybody else (who isn't logged in as the author) tries to view the post, only an error message appears, see screenshot at left (click to enlarge).

Now here's the really interesting part: while it's impossible for a citizen-blogger to write about Weng'an or push-ups on a Netease blog, the Netease news portal has extensive coverage of the Weng'an situation, including this long article about why one of the boys with Li Shufen was doing pushups on the bridge when she allegedly jumped into the river.

Similarly, when I tried to post about Weng'an or push-ups on iFeng, the blog hosting service run by the Hong Kong-based Phoenix TV (aimed mainly at a Chinese mainlander audicence), the post is censored. Yet the iFeng news portal has a whole special coverage page about Weng'an.

"Weng'an" and "push-up" are NOT being blocked by the "great firewall" - I mean specifically the filtering mechanism that causes your browser to turn up an error message if you try to visit a site showing the offending words.  If you search "Weng'an" and "push-up" in Google.cn, Baidu, and Yahoo China you'll get lots of results - albeit with reports overseas dissident and human rights websites taken out.

This is quite different than the way the Yilishen incident was handled last fall - when large numbers of people protested about having been gypped in a pyramid scheme. If you scroll down to the bottom of my post written at the time, you'll see screenshots of Baidu, Google.cn, and Yahoo China, all of which gave ZERO results for searches on "Yilishen." Very little reporting about Yilishen appeared in the Chinese domestic media.

Today, Chinese journalists are being allowed all over the Weng'an story. Roland Soong just translated a long investigative article published by Southern Weekend late last week, and the respected Caijing - famous for pushing the edges - has its own special report section on Weng'an.

So what's going on here? Why do some web service companies ban blogs from talking about Weng'an while at the same time running extensive news coverage about it? We'll have to see whether this pattern holds in future, but if it does, that would point to a growing sophistication in the Chinese government's strategy for managing online media - both professional and amateur. The strategy would appear to be: give the professionals more rope to report while censoring the amateurs more heavily.  Let Chinese people searching on the internet for information about unrest incidents read about them primarily from the state-sanctioned media, not from bloggers repeating things they got from chatrooms repeating things that people heard on the street.

You then combine this with what Paul Denlinger calls the Chinese government's astroturfing strategy, with a few hundred thousand web commentators who are paid to write pro-government comments on blogs and in chatrooms. These people are known as the "fifty-cent party" because at least some of them get paid 50 Chinese cents per post. My colleague David Bandurski describes the system in detail in the latest issue of the Far Eastern Economic Review. He describes how the rage of Chinese cyber-nationalists against CNN's Jack Cafferty was fueled by 50-cent party postings.

Put all of these things together and once again, it's clear that there's a lot more than censorship going on: in addition to censorship there's information management, message management, and "astroturfing." At last month's Chinese Internet Research Conference, Chinese journalist and academic Li Yonggang talked about how we should view the Chinese government's efforts to control or manage the internet like a water management system. Roland Soong picked up on that idea in a recent analysis in which he compares the government's online information management strategy to hydrological engineering:

Yes, HYDROLOGICAL ENGINEERING!  Many of the current crop of central government leaders are technocrats with engineering background.  As such, they must understand that public opinion is water that can carry the ship as well as turn it over.  The point about hydrological engineering is not to build dams to hold the water back because there will be a catastrophic dam break one day that might bring down the entire system.  Instead, the point should be about controlling and redirecting the awesome power of nature in less harmful ways down selected channels.

In the case of the Weng'an mass incident, the major portals were deleting the related posts as quickly as possible.  At Tianya Forum, it was estimated that a Weng'an-related post has an average lifetime of 15 seconds before being deleted by the administrators.  That was supposed to be a record speed.  The same thing was happening at Sina.com, Sohu.com, Baidu, etc.  So this was building massive dams all over the map which builds up a tremendous pressure.  Where was the pressure release point?  You may be amazed that it was over at the Xinhua Forum.  The webmasters posted the official Xinhua news story on the forum.  That does not help in itself because Chinese netizens think that this Xinhua story was vague and misleading.  However, the webmasters allowed the comments to run freely.  This meant that the Xinhua posts became the meeting points of all those who want to talk about the Weng'an incident but could not do so elsewhere.  Although that post did not contain any news information (such as photos and videos), it was a place for people to vent their outrage.  As a result, Xinhua got a record-setting number of visitors who were very appreciative.  Is this the plan for the future?  You'll find out at the next mass incident (and there will be many).

The system continues to learn and evolve. The immediate beneficiaries are likely to be Chinese journalists, who have been chafing at their short leash for quite a long time now. Giving journalists a longer leash results in more credible, complex reporting while at the same time the propaganda authorities can still exert some control to prevent certain things from being reported. Independent bloggers like Zola who traveled down to Weng'an, who are not being paid by a news organization, are much harder to control by means other than direct censorship, blocking, and when necessary physical threats (as Zola experienced last Fall). If there's a news blackout on something, bloggers can become a vital conduit for information about what's going on. But when there is a decent quantity of professional news reporting on an event or issue, the role of the blogger as citizen reporter is weakened unless they have some truly unique material or insights. It's very difficult for a blogger like Zola traveling down to Weng'an to compete with a seasoned investigative reporter from Caijing or Southern Weekend: the reporters get interviews with many of the principal actors in a situation, as well as all the relevant officials, while a blogger like Zola only gets to talk to townspeople who have lots of opinions but little first-hand knowledge.

The Internet buzz about Weng'an led to public outrage, which in turn created pressure for the government to clean house in Weng'an and open up the story to greater media coverage. But the outcome may not be increased power or respect for China's bloggers. And just because the journalists get a longer leash doesn't mean that the Chinese information environment won't still be heavily manipulated. As we know in the U.S., you can even call yourself a "free press" and still be manipulated by your government. We're starting to see early signs that China's Internet and media regulators are becoming a bit less Leninist in their techniques and a little more Rovian

July 06, 2008

Global Voices, generative media structures.. and the end of nationalism?

Gvsummit Byneha
Photo by Neha Viswanathan: A small subset of the Global Voices bloggers who met in Budapest.

(Apologies in advance for the length of this post. I've decided to subject my readers to this even-longer-than-usual "brain dump" because at least a few people out there are interested in some of the ideas related to global participatory media, and I'd like feed back on some of the outstanding questions faced by Global Voices.)

At the end of last week's Global Voices Summit, one of our Middle Eastern bloggers came up to me and said: "nationalism is dead for me now." He said that ten years ago he was a strong nationalist. Being a blogger and debating issues with other people online over the past few years has greatly weakened that feeling. Now after four days hanging out with bloggers from all over the world, nationalism makes no sense to him any more.

(For full accounts of the summit, see David Sasaki's excellent overview, Ethan Z's great series of posts,  our media digest, the summit blog, technorati, google blog search, Rezwan's excellent roundup of summit bloggers, etc.)

The blogger's rejection of nationalism (I'm not going to name him because he is sensitive about how he has been portrayed in the past), and the role GV seems to have played in his change of thinking, brings me to Joi Ito's post-summit blog post. Joi is now on the GV Board and has been involved since the very beginning - when it was just a meeting of bloggers. He writes:

Global Voices is a super-important part in fixing what I call the "caring problem". There is a systemic bias against reporting international news in most developed nations. When pressed, many editors will say that people just don't want to read articles about other parts of the world. This is because most people don't care. They don't care because they don't hear the voices or know people in other countries. I think that by providing voices to all over the world, we have the ability to connect people and get people to care more.

I also believe that voice is probably more important than votes or guns. I believe that combating extremism is most effectively done by winning the argument in public, not by censorship, elections or destruction. I believe that providing everyone with a voice to participate in the global dialog is key. The ability to communication and connect without permission or fear of retribution is a pillar of open society in the 21st Century. Global Voices is the best example of this that I know of.

Patrick Philippe Meier, a self-described GV "outsider" and doctoral research fellow at the Harvard Humanitarian Initiative had this conclusion:

...The Internet, and the information society, the global network of social nodes and connections, is becoming more complex. This complexity adds to diversity and balance. Most people, most of the time, in most places are nonviolent. Social extremes are by definition minorities. Global Voices are more informed and moderate. Giving a voice to these Global Voices online is likely to diminish the impact of extremists. How do we find these voices in the symphony of the superhighway? We need to make quanta of information more indexable and more searchable. Tag, tag, tag away. Only then will locality, diversity, opportunity be made more visible....

So how did we get to the point that people are saying such things about GV - things we never imagined when we started the project - and where might we go from here? As this article that I wrote jointly with Ethan Zuckerman back in 2006 tries to explain, GV arose as an attempt to address badly skewed global information flows in which the voices of people from North America and Western Europe are disproportionately amplified in the global media. But now here's the problem: the skewed flows aren't just happening on a global scale, there are imbalances within countries, regions, and communities. So the question is: what is the best way to achieve a global media environment where everybody has the ability to speak and be heard? And is there also a way for people to find authenticity, relevance, and quality amidst the cacophony of cat-blogging and hidden agendas?

By having a tiered system of expert blogger-editors and translators who curate what they find to be globally relevant and authentic from their regions, we've made a decent but imperfect stab at the second question, although I think we need to revisit our systems in the future and find ways to improve them, funds and people permitting. This year's discussions in Budapest focused largely on the first question: equity of "voice" within national borders as well as across borders.  At several points during both the public conference and the internal community meetings, people talked about the importance of amplifying minority, non-elite, disadvantaged and dissenting voices alongside "representative" or "typical" voices from various countries. Simultaneously, there's also the problem of "silent majorities" who tend to spend less time seeking media interviews, demonstrating in public, and doing things that headlines than people who tend to be on the more atypical extremes of any given country's political spectrum. These attention deficits lead not only to imbalance in media coverage, but also create social pressures that lead to self-censorship: people think, think "why should I stick my neck out and risk getting in trouble for an issue few people in my country really care about or agree with?"

It's not just mainstream media that presents a skewed and un-representative picture to the world; it turns out that blogospheres, at least as they have naturally evolved so far, are amplifiers for the voices and views of educated, wired elites. As David Sasaki, who runs Rising Voices, Global Voices' outreach arm, writes: "As incredibly diverse as the global blogosphere is, the 'blogger demographic' tends to [be] very homogenous. From Tanzania to Tasmania, most bloggers live in the wealthy neighborhoods of urban centers, most are well educated, and most belong to the majority groups of their countries."

Whose voice - and whose life - gets to represent a particular nationality, ethnic group, or community, is a problem that both Ethan Z, who co-founded GV with me, and web philosopher David Weinberger have been writing about over the past few days. Media reporting about any given issue tends to rely on a few colorful examples, chosen for their interestingness, the willingness of the subjects to talk to the media, and their ability to speak articulately Weinberger points out that extrapolating reality from a few examples  results in what he calls "The Fallacy of Examples."

HceuscoverAs Ethan points out, "it’s lots easier to write about extreme examples rather than median ones." He cites Clay Shirky's excellent new book, Here Comes Everybody: The Power of Organizing Without Organizations - which I happened to read on the plane en route to Budapest. Shirky analyzes the way in which online communities tend to follow a "power law." Ethan describes the phenomenon: "If you attempt to generalize about the group as a whole from the most prolific participants, you’re going to misunderstand what’s going on."

There are many factors contributing to who gets to the top of the power curve, starting with who even tries to speak, who succeeds in speaking, and who is silenced.  The digital divide - access to affordable internet and mobile communications - is only one small part of it. Many people are so accustomed to being ignored, it doesn't occur to them that creating their own media would produce any useful result. They worry about bringing trouble on their families by calling socially unacceptable attention to themselves. In Budapest, we agreed that Global Voices has an important role to play - and some believe a responsibility -  in supporting people who have stories to tell but who are isolated for various reasons. When local authority figures (or their parents and spouses) discourage them from speaking, they can be encouraged by the fact that people around the world are indeed linking to them - and that if something happens to them, questions will be asked.

Censorship and threat of imprisonment also skew the conversation: if certain kinds of views are silenced - or driven to quiet largely-unnoticed pockets of their online communities - then it becomes hard to tell whether the loudest and most predominant voices really represent the majority view of a particular community if the censorship and threat of retribution had not been imposed on its people. There was some discussion in Budapest about to what extent our regional editors and bloggers who represent certain countries have an obligation to amplify "representative" or "mainstream" views and to what extent they should be amplifying minority and "dissident" voices. It's a tough balancing act, and no matter what you do, you get criticized by people who think you're misrepresenting their country or community.

Perhaps the biggest unresolved problem on Global Voices is how to be truly fair to everybody - to minorities as well as majorities, while not appearing to take sides in various people's independence struggles. Now here's the background: Our editorial structure is based Wikipedia's list of countries - a list maintained by a very active community who fight fiercely about any addition or subtraction. It generally serves us well - or better than any of the alternatives seemed likely to do - but it's impossible to please everybody, and there are people who regularly trash GV for this choice. Our ideal goal (far from being realized) is to have a contributor from all of those countries except North America and Western Europe. This stems from a decision at the beginning that if we started out including those two regions, GV could get dominated by those bloggers who have other global platforms anyway. Our priority was to create a platform for people who have a harder time getting their voices heard. At any rate, the countries that we do cover are then divided up into regions, each managed by a "regional editor". We also have a number of language editors who post summaries and excerpts of translated content from non-English blogs into English on the main site. What languages we translate onto the main site is primarily a function of funding and volunteer interest. (Meanwhile, as Ethan described in this post, a family of websites have sprung up on which volunteers translate GV's English content into various languages.)

One of the questions debated most heatedly in Budapest (though politely and respectfully after several days of eating and drinking together and sharing hotel rooms) was this: Should GV include blogs from North America and Western Europe, especially those from minority communities whose voices are not well heard in their own national medias let alone the global media? Does it make sense to be covering Macedonia but not Greece? And the corollaries: Does our system of organizing the world - and thus people's identities - largely according to their U.N.-recognized nationality help or hinder the idea that people from anywhere on the planet should be able to have a voice and be heard? But if we don't organize ourselves according to the nation-state framework, and on top of that a regional hierarchy of editors, how do we organize our website without descending into chaos - or turning into a platform for the world's independence groups? On the other hand, there have been strong disagreements in the past year or so amongst contributors and editors over whether we should have separate categories and/or contributors for "Tibet" and "Chechnya" (to give just two examples of many others) - and if by failing to do so we are failing to adequately represent online voices from those places, and thus in effect discriminating against those minorities? It was fascinating to see who came down on what side of these questions - and it was not split along regional, ethnic, or socio-economic lines at all, people from all continents came down on both sides of these questions, to varying degrees. One observer of our community who I spoke to after the meeting suggested creating a "shadow" or "parallel" website in which we try organizing ourselves according to some other criteria than nation-state and see what happens. It's an interesting idea. I'd be interested in hearing more ideas and opinions from readers of GV as well as contributors and community members. Can GV come up with an innovative and equitable way to organize a global citizen media website without using the nation-state as its organizing principle?

...which brings me back to Shirky's book. Another point he makes which I agree with is that "communications tools don't get socially interesting until they get technologically boring."  Activities like blogging, podcasting, and uploading videos to YouTube-like websites are no longer considered technically innovative by the Silicon Valley set. But these tools are only just starting to be used by indigenous Bolivians, barrio kids in Medelin, Colombia, young people in Madagascar, kids in Kolkata's red light district,  etc. Only after digital citizen media tools become commonplace in such communities will the most interesting social innovation really start to happen on a global scale. What excites me is that people who work on Global Voices are perhaps uniquely positioned to understand what's going on - as well as play a part in it. One thing that's clear from the GV experience so far is that people have multiple identities: many bloggers chafe at being pigeonholed in accordance with one accident of birth above all others. At the same time, others - especially bloggers from countries that gained independence in the past decade or so - are extremely proud of their national identity and proud to have the opportunity to promote that identity on a site like GV. Others come from minority groups seeking independence. How best to build a collaborative citizen media community among people who define their identities -  and identities of others - very differently? What - beyond an interesting website - might result from such an attempt? Is it possible to build a global citizen media community with a post-nationalist identity?

Shirky also talks about how systems of collaborative production - like Wikipedia, for example - are not organizationally flat. A very small percentage of Wikipedians do the bulk of the work. There are also community "enforcement" systems in place in order to prevent this open platform from being completely destroyed and overrun by a few ill-intentioned individuals. At the same time, these systems and structures - "rules" if you like - were not driven by a central management team in the way that the president and publisher of a news organization would decide (largely top-down, in my experience) and enforce (journalists' fear of being fired or laid off in the next round of cutbacks) how things should be run and what the editorial policies should be. If you ask Wikipedia founder Jimmy Wales whether he had a plan for "solving" the many problems of vandalism and self-promotion Wikipedia faces, he says he didn't - the core community of Wikipedia's most passionate and active volunteers came up with solutions and developed the "management" and "enforcement" structures around them. Likewise, I'm quite positive that Ethan, myself, and GV's core management team are not going to come up with answers and solutions to the questions and problems I brought up in the previous paragraph. The solutions are going to have to be generated by the community, somehow, if enough of them even want to solve these problems or can achieve some sort of consensus. Who knows if that will ever be possible.

Jzcover...which brings me to another book:  Jonathan Zittrain's The Future of the Internet, And How to Stop It. JZ (as he is known at the Berkman Center) is concerned about the Internet's potential loss of "generativity:" the ability of PC users at the edges of the Internet to innovate - develop software applications and all kinds of media platforms - without coordinating with some central authority, whether it be a computer or device manufacturer or whoever controls the Internet connections between devices. Increasingly, people are connecting to the Internet with what he calls "tethered devices" that are not generative: they don't allow the user to create new applications or media without working directly with the manufacturer, or at very least using the manufacturers designated and/or proprietary systems. A PC is generative while iPods, TiVo's, Wii's, etc., are not. There are some good reasons - security and user simplicity primarily - why these devices are tethered, not generative. But Zittrain warns that as the Internet becomes less and less generative, innovation and freedom of speech will suffer.

Reading the book on my way back from the GV summit I wondered:  if the Internet becomes less generative just as growing numbers of people in the developing world are connecting to it, what does that mean? Will indigenous people in Bolivia and teenagers in Malawi be deprived of the chance to shape the future of global communications to the same extent that college kids in California and Finland were able to do? If this is a real concern (which I think it is, the more I think about it), what do we do to make sure that generativity is preserved in the next generation of Internet-connected devices (largely mobile phones and set-top boxes, most likely)? At least for enough of those devices that people in the developing world will have the chance to innovate and shape communications technologies to their own community needs to the extent that Westerners have shaped technology to theirs?

Zittrain also talked a bit about generativity as an organizing principle, with Wikipedia once again as the prime example. This got me thinking about Global Voices and the extent to which GV is also a generative organization. Traditional news organizations are non-generative for the most part: changes in the way things are done generally are not due to initiative taken by reporters in far-flung bureaus: you can suggest changes but the policy decisions have to be made at the center then implemented downward - and substantial reforms happen very slowly, usually with great organizational resistance. GV is I think probably less generative than Wikipedia the way it's currently run, but still a lot more generative than a traditional news organization. Rising Voices, Global Voices Advocacy, and especially Lingua all arose from activities that bloggers in our networks saw the need for and were taking it upon themselves to do, long before GV created formal platforms for these activities. Since we are a largely volunteer-driven organization with only a couple full-time staffers, a couple dozen part-timers who are really working for love more than money and a couple hundred volunteers, we can't make any major policy decision about structure or funding without first gaining consensus from the community.  One might argue that this slows down executive decision-making, but on the other hand, if our community doesn't agree with a decision they'll stop contributing and GV will cease to exist anyway - like Wikipedia our volunteers are not tied to us by salary and employment contracts. But is GV generative enough? Are we enabling enough innovation at the edges and are we enabling new ideas that come from far-flung volunteers to get support and be implemented if the community agrees that they're worth implementing? I don't know the answer. I hope some of our editors and volunteers will let me know what they think.

-----------------

Footnote: To be clear, I take zero credit for the success of the Budapest summit, as I had very little to do with the planning other than a bit of fundraising and a bit of brainstorming early on. Most of the credit goes to Georgia Popplewell, Sami Ben Gharbia, Solana Larsen, and David Sasaki, not only for the awe-inspiring public program, and an advocacy workshop before the public summit, but also for two days of "internal" brainstorming meetings for people who contribute directly to the various GV projects. The meetings were so energetic that even cynics lost some of their cynicism. But the real magic came from all of our community members, just by being there and being themselves. It's not hard to have a great meeting when you bring together some of the most articulate people from around the planet who are generally not on the conference circuit, and thus have new things to say and brand new perspectives that you've never heard before!

July 04, 2008

On the Media interview: corporate responsibility and the Internet

An interview with me, talking about the role of multinational companies in Chinese Internet censorship, followed by a great exchange with Danwei.org's Jeremy Goldkorn, aired on On The Media last Friday. I was traveling and so I've only just listened to it. It's online here:

You can read the transcript here, I won't cut-and-paste the whole thing. Everything I say there, I've written on this blog somewhere before. But it was a good opportunity to sum things up succintly. (Also note: my collgeagues Qian Gang and David Bandurski said brilliant things in a previous OTM show here and here.)

Somebody called "super88" left this comment:

"American companies make the calculation..." Goes beyond that -- the very idea of firewalls, filters, tracking, and most other ways of technologically restricting or monitoring the Internet were peddled and still are from the Free World to the, er, less free (no offense, China!)!

China's governmental wants and needs are absolute market makers for Seimens, MSFT, Google, ATT -- and zillions of niche firms, many in Cali. And also a big thanks to Stanford, CalTech, MIT, the Fulbright Committee and the other institutions hived around China's best and brightest, some of whom are now experts in not expanding but killing free thought and discussion.

We can't blame the companies -- dollars are neither clean or dirty once spent again -- but I point this out to remind us that we cannot either rely on them to "do the right thing," or "do no evil" without making our own voices heard, via our representatives, our letters and/or our dollars.

That is absolutely true. If users act like they don't care very much, companies will tend to assume there's nothing wrong. Not just in China, but anywhere they operate. As I pointed out in the interview, this is a global problem.

Companies are pushed not only by governments, but also by other powerful corporate interests that are trying to impose their interests, unreasonably, on others. We've got both in the United States. Just read how a Judge threw YouTube users to the wolves, deciding that protecting Viacom's intellecual property is more important than users' reasonable expectation of privacy and free speech. Nor can Americans count on our elected representatives to protect us from illegal government snooping unless we yell a lot louder than we have done until now.

We can craft all kinds of global corporate codes of conduct, but unless users get more vocal and educate themselves better about how Internet and telecom services use their personal data and manipulate information at government behest, it will be hard to prevent a global race to the bottom.

 

June 28, 2008

Global Voices Summit Slideshow

This slideshow is automatically generated from a feed of photos uploaded to Flickr from the Global Voices Summit in Budapest. If you're not in the room, see the webcast, liveblog, and twitter stream. You can also join the conversation on the #globalvoices IRC channel at freenode.net. (Go to Mibbit.com if you're not familiar with IRC clients.)

June 27, 2008

Global Voices Citizen Media Summit kicks off in Budapest

Gvsummitppl

The 2008 Global Voices Citizen Media Summit has now begun. If you're not in the room you can watch the live webcast here.  A live IRC web chat is taking place on freenode.net at  #globalvoices (join from mibbit.com if you aren't familiar with IRC clients). There is also a liveblog, a Flickr tag, Twitter feed, etc.

The program for today and tomorrow is here.

Slides from yesterday's smaller GV Advocacy meeting are now online here. Hopefully many of today's presentations will also be added as the day progresses.

I will write more about the meeting in the coming days. Meanwhile, here is the post I wrote after the 2006 Global Voices Delhi Summit.

June 26, 2008

Behind the Great Firewall, Net Nannies work overtime for companies

Ever since June 3rd, visitors to 56.com, one of China's video sharing "YouTube clones," have been unable to access any other part of the site, other than this message below claiming that the site is undergoing "maintenance" and a "major upgrade:"

56062308

Due to the vast quantity of material, the message says that the process will require "a certain amount of time." Users' forgiveness is requested.

Another YouTube clone, Tudou, had major problems earlier this year but is now back in operation after what insiders said was a major upgrading of their internal censorship systems so that sensitive video (sexual, political, and perhaps some copyright-violating) could be adequately vetted.

On Monday, the Washington Post asked whether 56.com's troubles are the "beginning of Chinese government taketown of video sites?"

According to a new report by the China Internet Network Information Center, as many as 160 million Chinese now watch online video. It's turning into a powerful mass medium. Thus it's not surprising that the propaganda authorities want to try and control it the way they control broadcast television.  Jeremy Goldkorn, Loretta Chao and others have reported on the list of 247 websites whch the State Administration of Radio Film and Television (SARFT) has officially "approved to host Internet audio-visual programs" in China. 56.com, Tudou, and another YouTube clone Youku are conspicuously absent from the list.

In a long and very detailed analysis, Eric Eldon at Venturebeat has further thoughts about the fate of 56.com, whose investors include Sequoia Capital among many other Silicon Valley big names:

But even if the government did shut down the site, the move may not be a concern for neither rivals nor rival investors. The most recent rumor I’ve heard going around in China is that 56.com wasn’t adequately censoring videos about the recent, devastating earthquake in China’s Sichuan province from the site.

Both Youku and Tudou have assured me that they’re very careful about following government regulations, saying that because they are the largest sites in China, they face the most scrutiny from the government before getting approval. Both say they work closely with the government to ensure that content is compliant. The fact that Tudou only went down for a day or so in March, and that Youku went down for only an hour on June 4th (both incidents were also officially called technology problems) suggests that they are keeping the government satisfied.

But he also wonders if there are other factors at play:

...besides possible earthquake-related censorship, perhaps it is 56.com’s place at the intersection of video and social networking apps that could be behind its downtime. Could it be that 56.com has run out of money, or gotten close enough to running out of money that its investors have pulled the plug?

After going over all the details of the technologies and investors behind Tudou, Youku, and 56.com, he concludes:

...Even all these things considered, it’s hard for me to believe that such marquee technology investors would want to shut it down. If nothing else, the combination of the company’s video and social networking services must one day be worth something more than they are now, if one has even a relatively low expectations for either category.

Maybe it’s just a case of 56.com having less stringent filters than its peers in hopes of drawing in more traffic, in which case it might come back once it gets in line with the others.

But the company and its investors have not commented on why it has been offline for nearly three weeks, and the longer it goes offline, the less likely it seems it will ever return. Even if the investors haven’t shut it down yet, the downtime may be the fatal blow against the company’s efforts to raise another, almost certainly necessary funding round.

(UPDATE: Kaiser Kuo has written a funeral dirge for 56.com)

At the Chinese Internet Research Conference, BDA's Duncan Clark gave a presentation about the regulatory challenges faced by anybody hoping to make money in Chinese online video. See his presentation here, the live-blogged summary here, and the WSJ blog writeup here. In his paper, heres's what Duncan to say about the censorship mechanisms that online video companies are putting into place, with help from Silicon Valley VC funds:

Another expense line which weighs heavily on Chinese video sites finances – and their management time - is content filtering.  Video sites in China have to adhere to a very  strict – yet ill-defined - standard of what content is permissible.  In discussions with various online video sites contacted by BDA, company executives were at pains to stress  how effective they were in filtering content, either through the dedication of superior  numbers of personnel or through the deployment of more sophisticated technology – for  example searching for offensive key words (to find a video amidst the torrent of content  consumers need to start with a key word) or randomly sampling frames of content and  detecting offensive uploads.   

Whatever the efficacy of these systems, as the volume of content uploaded increases  the burden of hosting and filtering will inevitably increase.

All Internet companies operating inside China on which either feature user generated content or on which user-generated content might appear - Youtube-like video, photo-sharing, blogging, bulletin boards, forums, social networking sites, search engines etc. - are all required to employ teams of people and write internal software programs to keep politically objectionable content off their sites. (I've written about these systems here, here, and here; Reporters Without Borders last year published an accurate report about the whole process here, and my colleague David Bandurski wrote about the regulatory bodies behind the process here.) 

One of the interesting things about the system of official regulations, warnings, and punishments is that they are vague: companies are not told very specifically what to do and how - rather, they're warned they'll be in big trouble if they're not good enough at controlling content on an ever-changing list of subjects. As a result, the censorship systems put in place by Chinese Internet companies vary wildly in their thoroughness or in some cases, over-thoroughness.  At the Chinese Internet Research Conference at the beginning of our roundtable on Corporate Action and Responsibility I showed a few slides containing screenshots from a research project I'm currently running in which I and my small team are testing to see how various Chinese blog-hosting companies are censoring their users' content. Across 17 different blog-hosting services, there is little consistency so far in our testing in terms of what gets censored or how. Not surprisingly, when we posted a few paragraphs from the Dalai Lama's open letter to the Chinese people, 10 out of 17 services censored it. Some wouldn't allow us to post it at all, others marked it as "waiting for approval" which never came, and others took it down soon after posting. Tianya (which receives Google investment), wouldn't allow us to post. Here's what the error message looked like (click to enlarge):

Tianyadlerror

Other services have their censorship systems so thoroughly automated, they're even censoring state propaganda articles. When we posted the first few paragraphs of this article from Xinhua about President Hu Jintao's visit to a coal mine during the snowstorms and energy crisis in January, two of the 15 blog-hosting services censored it. Mop.com wouldn't even allow us to post:

Moperror

...and Blogbus put *** over the President's name.

Blogbuscensor

What this shows is that companies are making different choices about how they censor...some more ham-fisted, some lighter, and some heavier, than others.

In his newly published paper, Search Monitor Project: Toward a Measure of Transparency, Nart Villeneuve documents how the Chinese search engines run by Yahoo, Google, Microsoft, and Baidu all have tremendous variation in terms of what they choose to censor and how. He writes:

The data presented in this report indicates that there is not a comprehensive system - such as a list issued by the Chinese government - in place for determining censored content. In fact, the evidence suggests that search engine companies themselves are selecting the specific web sites to be censored raising the possibility of over blocking as well as indicating that there is significant flexibility in choosing how to implement China’s censorship requirements.

So what does this mean? Does this mean that there is room for companies to make choices about what they censor and how they censor it? And that perhaps some of these choices can lead toward at least greater transparency and accountability as far as the user is concerned?  Those are some of the questions I asked our conference panel.

Isaac Mao said he thinks that companies that treat their users more intelligently and with greater respect will do better in the long run - especially when it comes to user privacy, but also in terms of censorship. (Although as Deborah Fallows pointed out in an earlier session, survey data indicates that Chinese users appear to have a hight tolerance for censorship.)

Duncan Clark pointed out that the business culture in China forces companies to do whatever necessary to keep the authorities off your back - which means doing things like political censorship and cooperating with police investigations of dissidents that cause American companies to get hauled into Congress and yelled at. This pressure on domestic Chinese companies - and thus pressure on foreign brands that try to compete with them - is unlikely to change until these Chinese companies start having major business interests overseas in markets where they need to gain trust and respect of users who are not as tolerant of censorship and more likely to yell about civil liberties than their Chinese users are. Then, Duncan said, maybe they'll push back harder against Chinese government demands.

Joshua Rozenzweig of the Duihua Foundation was of the view that this is going to be a long hard slog, and that it will be difficult for much to change until China acquires a truly independent judiciary and legal system that serves citizens and their rights rather than the government's interests. But he also pointed out that conversations about these issues are much easier to have when you approach these problems as global problems: that we have problems of governments pressuring companies to infringe upon individual rights everywhere on the globe.  If people in China feel that they're being lectured by Westerners from a position of moral superiority, they won't be interested in listening, even if they might agree with some of what you have to say.

I read the panel a quote from a recent article titled China's Holistic Censorship Regime, written for the Far Eastern Economic Review by an anonymous businessperson: "Ultimately, to succeed in China, businesses must assume the goals of the Communist Party as their own."

Isaac Mao disagreed. Why? Because, he said, nobody knows what the Chinese Communist Party's goals are: the CCP doesn't make them clear, nor are the companies clear what the CCP really wants of them.  At any rate, there's no monolithic "they" who express a unified "goal."  Depending on which ministry or regulatory body you're dealing with at any given time - and which individual at which provincial or city level you happen to be dealing with - the message about what the "goals" are and what the priorities should be varies tremendously. It's the vagueness and uncertainty, Duncan agreed, which makes companies nervous and thus causes them to over-compensate, constantly trying to second-guess the regulators. How do you go up against a headless monster like this and get it to change? Or how do you convince compannies that they can change the way that they choose to respond to this headless monster, so that rather than encouraging it to be even more arbitrary and outrageous, they might instead respond in ways that might encourage it to evolve in a direction more compatible with rule of law and respect for individual rights?

Josh of Duihua made a very important point: if you want to help encourage or lobby for a particular kind of change, first you need to figure out who in the government bureaucracy would benefit from that change. You need to figure out which businesses and other economic interests would profit from that change and how. You figure out who their opponents are in the bureaucracy and how it all fits in to the various inter-ministerial, inter-regional, and other power struggles. Then you will have a better idea of who is most likely to want to listen to you with an open mind, and who might even find your information useful to their own agendas.

So. Where do we go from here? Any ideas, anyone?

June 10, 2008

Index on Censorship: China Issue

Index on Censorship has published a journal issue devoted to China. Unfortunately their publication is subscription-only and the content is not freely available on the web. If you belong to a university or or have access to a library that subscribes to it, you're in luck. Otherwise, Routledge is happy to sell you access...or contact the authors directly...

My own contribution, "Cyber Zone," can be found at the bottom of this post. It's an overview of how people in China are using the Internet to push the boundaries of free speech. It picks up on an idea that came out of a conversation I had earlier this year with internet author Yang Hengjun that the Internet in China is kind of like a "special political zone" - it's not totally free but it's a bit freer than other spaces, in general.

Other articles:

  • David Bandurski (China Media Project), Garden of Falsehood: China's propaganda machine seeks to control public opinion at all costs - and the media is its tool
  • Li Datong (editor and journalist), Tipping Point: When his publication was closed down, the fallout marked a new era for Chinese journalism
  • Pu Zhiqiang (human rights lawyer), Party Rules: A long-running libel case against the authors of a best-selling exposeacute is testing the limits of free expression in China
  • Huang Liangtian (journalist and author), Spirit of the News: investigations cost him his job - the price for refusing to be 'a journalist with Chinese characteristics'
  • Yan Lianke (novelist), Darkness Visible: State censorship is not the greatest threat to a writer's progress
  • He Qinglian (exiled author), Seeds of Resistance: Protests will dominate the agenda beyond the Olympics
  • Zhou Shuguang (aka Zola, the "nailhouse blogger), Notes on the Net:  journey through censorship, journalism and the Internet - from the Great Firewall to reporting banned stories
  • Isaac Mao (founder CNblog.org), Flipping the Switch: It's not freedom of expression but freedom of thinking that China needs most and the Internet is the force for change
  • Stephanie Wang and Robert Faris (OpenNet Initiative), Welcome to the Machine: China is leading the world in its sophisticated censorship of the Internet
  • Bil Xia (Dynamic Internet Technology), Cat and Mouse: Outwitting Internet censorship is a game of nerves. He reports on his mission to find the cracks in the Great Firewall of China
  • Hu Jie (documentary filmmaker), Memory Loss
  • Ai Weiwei (artist), Truth to Power: on challenging the status quo.
  • Simon Kirby (curator), Written on the Body: China's ground-breaking generation of new wave artists has pushed the boundaries, but some subjects still remain off limits

Index on Censorship has a long publication lead-time, so it was written in March, long before the Sichuan earthquake. (If you were wondering why none of the pieces above mention the media and Internet in the context of China's biggest story this year, that's why.)

Below is the full text of "Cyber Zone: how China's online pioneers are pushing the boundaries of free speech."

'There are two kinds of people in China: Internet users and non-Internet users,' writer Yang Hengjun recently told me. Chinese people who get their information from the Internet, he believes, have a very different perspective on current events than Chinese who rely on traditional media. 'The gap is growing. People who spend time reading news, blogs and chatrooms online know about all kinds of things that people who just read newspapers and watch TV have never heard of.'

A former Chinese diplomat and employee of 'various government departments', Yang dreamt of writing Tom Clancy-style bestsellers about China's intelligence and law enforcement. But given that the Chinese government doesn't even admit that it conducts espionage, Chinese publishers would not touch the subject with a ten-foot pole. Then came the Internet. His spy trilogy became a smash hit with the Chinese diaspora. For the past year he has also been blogging, writing online commentary and essays which he says have garnered even more web traffic than his online novels. 'The appearance of the Internet changed me,' Yang wrote in an essay last year. 'When I found out that I could publish the works that I wrote on the Internet, my creative passion could no longer be reined in.'

Many Chinese Internet writers and bloggers feel similarly liberated and empowered. Yet at the same time, China's Internet censorship system is the most extensive and sophisticated in the world. China is a world leader in jailing 'cyber-dissidents' - currently 48 according to Reporters Without Borders. To westerners living in largely democratic countries, it is hard to understand how liberation, empowerment, and optimism can coexist alongside suppression, censorship, and compromise. Yet all of these words are equally and simultaneously appropriate in describing what is happening on the Chinese Internet.

Continue reading "Index on Censorship: China Issue" »

June 04, 2008

China's grieving parents

Thousands of Sichuan parents are grief stricken.

They want answers: why did their children die in the Sichuan earthquake when many other people in surrounding, better-constructed buildings, lived? What are the facts? Who should be held responsible? They want a thorough, public investigation. They want justice to be done. They want their government at all levels to be honest about mistakes. They want officials who did make mistakes to take responsibility, to apologize, and to make necessary amends.

We feel their pain. We pray for them. We continue to donate aid to the victims of the Sichuan earthquake.

Unknown hundreds of other Chinese have been grieving for 19 years, unacknowledged. Their loved ones were killed in the June 4th 1989 crackdown. As far as the Chinese government is concerned, those people's grief is illegitimate, nonexistent. They are ignored. We don't know for sure how many they are, since the government denies that the killings happened. If the death of your child, spouse, or sibling is not acknowledged, and if public mourning for them is banned, the state is effectively saying they never existed. Imagine how you would feel.

Ding Zilin, leader of the Tiananmen Mothers organization, has over the past 19 years been subject to frequent detention, constant house-arrest and surveillance. (See this interview with her that I conducted in 1999). She, her husband and other grieving parents have been working tirelessly to compile a record of June 4th casualties, building her information case by case from families who dare to talk to her and share their information. So far they've collected 188 cases. Here is a map documenting the hospitals where people died and this map pinpoints known locations where killings took place. Her website is naturally blocked in China.

In an interview with Reuters, Bao Tong, former aide to purged party leader Zhao Ziyang, called for the Chinese government to be as open about what happened in 1989 as they have been about the earthquake. Granted, the political implications are somewhat different, but he says it's time: "Through this quake ... they have tasted the benefits of openness and should know that openness is better than being closed."

The Reuters story continues:

Despite efforts of dissidents and families of victims to keep memories of Tiananmen alive, the virtual silence on that period within China means few people know much about the movement.

But Bao has remained outspoken about 1989 and he urged the leadership under Hu to disavow Deng's "greatest mistake".

Asked whether it would be unwise for the leadership to reassess the Tiananmen verdict if it was not politically strong enough, Bao said the leadership should "ask the people for help instead of covering it up -- the worst choice".

The government has rejected calls to overturn the verdict that the protests were subversive.

"The June 4 of 19 years ago was a man-made disaster, but like natural disasters it should be made known to the people of the entire country and the whole world," said Bao, who was jailed for seven years and is now an outspoken critic of the government.

"In the end, debts will have to be repaid ... the earlier they are repaid, the more timely, the more thorough, the more it will be in command, the more dignity and the more face it'll have," said Bao, who is under round-the-clock police surveillance.

Bao's position has been quite consistent despite 7 years of jail and constant house arrest, surveillance, and harrassment of his family. Here's an interview from 1999.

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